12
Oct
12

just what “objective conditions” would the SP require before committing fully to the process of creating a new workers party?

In response to SP comrades going on and on about the problem with the failure of the ULA being the “objective conditions” I posted the following in the cedarlounge thread discussing this issue (http://cedarlounge.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/sp-statement-on-ula/):

What is it with these constant references to the “objective situation”?

The “objective situation” we concretely face is being in the middle of the most significant economic crisis of international capitalism since the Great Depression of the 1930s. In Ireland that has seen the biggest mass movement in living memory in the form of the CAHWT, coming after the two mass demonstrations called by ICTU and the biggest ever public sector one-day strike in the State’s history. We also have the most number of self-describing socialist TDs in the Dáil for decades.

Just what exactly do the SP (and SWP) think would be required in terms of “objective conditions” before fully committing themselves to the process of creating a new workers party?

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2 Responses to “just what “objective conditions” would the SP require before committing fully to the process of creating a new workers party?”


  1. 1 Julian Assandwich
    October 14, 2012 at 00:51

    Well that’s where the inconsistency behind the Socialist Party’s publicly declared strategy is revealed, isn’t it?

    This is effectively the end of the Freestate in its present incarnation due to an organic crisis of capitalism, larger than anything this state has ever seen. The political establishment has lost a huge chunk of its credibility, a large portion of the Irish capitalist class has collapsed – which will inevitably wipe out the middle class – and the debris is landing squarely on the working class. These are exponentially more developed objective conditions than what the Socialist Party – an organization to the left of the ULA – launched itself upon.

    You could argue that logically when conditions are *this* ripe, they are right to push ahead building an organization more leftwing than the ULA – but what they are putting on the record is the wrong way around!

    “People aren’t left enough so we are building our leftwing organization, when they naturally move left and draw more leftwing implications we’ll build the organization that is to the right of us.” !

  2. 2 Frank Hayes
    October 27, 2012 at 18:37

    It might be no bad thing to refer to the objective conditions giving rise to the political crisis in the ULA, if any understanding of the bitterness and confusion among its separating brethern and sisterhood is to be grasped. Marxism is not just a dead set of dogmas to be learned by rote and applied as rules of thumb. It exists as a living philosophical opposite to the one sided bourgeois world view, and sees things, including the disintegration of the ULA, as material processes. Dialectical processes, consisting of opposing internal parts which, at the same time, are both in unity and in conflict with each other (whether they like it or not, whether they are aware of it or not). That must be the starting point for all who call themselves Marxist, in commencing analysis. The same failure (expressed in the Stalinist 1930’s turn away from Dialectics – and thus, from understanding reality), resulted in the loss of the Spanish Revolution to the world working class.
    And such dialectical analysis must begin by considering the ‘whole’ phenomenon, before considering the parts which give it dialectical motion and development. The global context is where we must begin today also.
    The motion of the global crisis of the capitalist system of production, distribution and exchange cannot be reflected into human understanding using the pre-Marxian concepts of formal thought – the foundation of all bourgeios world views. And in my view, it is because they have largely neglected to embrace, study and master the scientific socialist method of analysis, namely Materialist Dialectics, that these, probably quite sincere political activists remain essentially subjective in their view of each other and of the world around them. As long as they do so, they have nothiong to offer the working class in Ireland or anywhere else, and will slip inevitably, into the swamp of the ‘fake left’ and ultimately off the face of living history, as political tendencies.
    By limiting their ‘unity’ to merely organisational spheres, they avoid entering the philosophical learning curve originally taken by Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Joseph Dietzgen and their comrades. And it was this which brought them to their leap in developing a truly revolutionary theory. Irish workers are not a fixed phenomenon either. They too are in motion, driven by the dialectically developing and deepening world economic crises.
    If Dialectical Logic is to be chosen as the way forward by revolutionaries today, the conflict of the opposing parts of the revolutionary movement as a whole, must take their courage in their hands and leave their various dogmas behind. This will require a new respect – even respectful disagreement. Ending the use of insulting terms and cliches, regretably so common here, is a necessary pre-requisite for constructing such a serious, honest, theoretical interaction and elaboration.
    In my view, an objective and collective approach to political education could begin a process which would see a more massive political revolutionary entity emerge, respecting and openly discussing theoretical differences (variety in cognition) and using them, as Marx and co. did, to realise a programme of activity informed by the objectively developing needs and necessities of the emreging revolutionary opportunities.


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